[Vision2020] Iraq on the brink of civil war?
Pat Kraut
pkraut@moscow.com
Mon, 5 Apr 2004 08:54:49 -0700
How about...We are a bunch of cowards who don't mind genocide in Iraq as
long as it doesn't touch us?? Oh excuse me, it already did kill 3000 in New
York! Did you forget that?
PK
----- Original Message -----
From: "Rodna Hansen" <rodna@moscow.com>
To: "Joan Opyr" <auntiestablishment@hotmail.com>; "Vision2020 Moscow"
<vision2020@moscow.com>
Sent: Monday, April 05, 2004 6:17 AM
Subject: Re: [Vision2020] Iraq on the brink of civil war?
> I agree, Joan.
>
> And, according to today's Spokesman-Review, anoother eight soldiers were
killed
> as a result of Shiite rioting.
>
> Does anybody here remember (from the Johnson administration) the slogan,
"Hey!
> Hey! LBJ. How many children did you kill today?"
>
> Contest: Let's see how many slogans we can develop concerning George Bush
and
> Iraq.
>
> Rodna Hansen
>
> At 09:19 PM 4/4/2004 -0700, Joan Opyr wrote:
> >
> > Is Iraq slipping into civil war? It's certainly beginning to look that
way.
> > A long-dreaded second front opened this past weekend; according to
another
> > piece in the NY Times, not a single checkpoint manned by the
much-touted,
> > U.S.-trained Iraqi policemen held. Next stop? The Kurds in the north
> > declare their independence, opening front #3.
> >
> > The June 30th handover to the Iraqi Civil Authority will probably take
place
> > as scheduled, but it will be a farce. We're in this for the long,
bloody,
> > demoralizing haul.
> >
> > Joan Opyr/Auntie Establishment
>
> --------------------------------------------------------------------------
-
> >
> > Forwarding from washingtonpost.com:
> >
> > Protests Unleashed by Cleric Mark a New Front in War
> >
> > By Anthony Shadid and Sewell Chan
> >
> > BAGHDAD, April 4 -- By unleashing mass demonstrations and attacks in
> > Baghdad and southern Iraq on Sunday, a young, militant cleric has
realized
> > the greatest fear of the U.S.-led administration since the occupation of
Iraq
> > began a year ago: a Shiite Muslim uprising.
> >
> > Fighting with U.S. troops raged into the night in a Baghdad slum, and
> > hospitals reportedly took in dozens of casualties. But even before
sunset,
> > there was a sense across the capital that a yearlong test of wills
between
> > the American occupation and supporters of Moqtada Sadr had turned
decisive,
> > and its implications reverberated through Iraq.
> >
> > The unrest signaled that the U.S. military faces armed opposition on two
> > fronts: in scarred Sunni towns such as Fallujah and, as of Sunday, in a
> > Shiite-dominated region of the country that had remained largely
acquiescent,
> > if uneasy about the U.S. role. If put down forcefully, a Shiite
uprising --
> > infused with religious imagery, and symbols drawn from Iraq's colonial
past
> > and the current Palestinian conflict -- could achieve a momentum of its
own.
> >
> > During the last year, Sadr has appealed to poor and disenfranchised
Shiites,
> > the majority of Iraq's population, with a relentless anti-occupation
message.
> > A junior cleric, the 30-year-old's authority is far overshadowed by
Grand
> > Ayatollah Ali Sistani, the country's leading religious figure. Sadr and
his
> > followers remain distinctly unpopular in the Shiite holy city of Najaf,
where
> > the more established clergy hold sway. But he commands a street
following in
> > Baghdad and the long-neglected cities of the south, and his militia of
> > several thousand men has grown in strength and influence.
> >
> > Hours into Sunday's violence, Sadr publicly called for an end to the
> > protests, and it was unclear whether his followers would persist in a
fight
> > with an overwhelmingly more powerful U.S. military. But the calculus of
> > Iraq's politics had already appeared to shift.
> >
> > "Just give the order, Moqtada, and we'll repeat the 1920 revolution,"
> > supporters chanted in Baghdad, a reference to a Shiite-led uprising
against
> > the British occupation that has grown in political mythology to serve as
> > Iraq's founding act. Across town, outside the headquarters of the
U.S.-led
> > administration, Sheik Hazm Aaraji warned, "The people are prepared for
> > martyrdom."
> >
> > The unrest Sunday followed a series of calibrated moves by each side
that
> > appeared to be designed to test the resolve of the other.
> >
> > The latest round of tension began March 28, with the U.S. closure of
Sadr's
> > al-Hawza newspaper. With an estimated circulation of 10,000, the weekly
was
> > mainly marketed at mosques loyal to Sadr's followers and, for months,
had
> > printed articles that U.S. officials deemed inflammatory. The closure
sent
> > thousands of protesters into the streets, many of them marching in
military
> > cadence in Baghdad and Najaf and wearing the black uniforms of Sadr's
> > militia, which is known as the Mahdi Army.
> >
> > Supporters of Sadr suggested that a show of force would discourage U.S.
> > officials from broadening the crackdown. In his Friday sermon, Sadr
appeared
> > to call for attacks on U.S. forces, crossing a line that he had
carefully
> > avoided for months. Citing what he called attacks by "the occupiers," he
told
> > followers, "Be on the utmost readiness and strike them where you meet
them."
> >
> > Early Saturday morning, one of Sadr's top aides, Mustafa Yaqoubi, a
familiar
> > face in Sadr's office in Najaf, was detained. U.S. officials said he was
held
> > along with 12 people for the killing of a moderate Shiite cleric from
one of
> > Iraq's most prestigious religious families. The cleric, Abdul-Majid
Khoei,
> > was hacked to death on April 10, 2003, a day after the fall of Baghdad.
U.S.
> > officials said the warrants were issued months ago and offered no
explanation
> > about why they were not executed until Saturday.
> >
> > The detention of Yaqoubi prompted protests by thousands on Sunday across
> > southern Iraq. As the fighting surged in Baghdad and the southern cities
of
> > Najaf and Amarah, Sadr issued a statement calling on his followers to
stop
> > the protests, saying they were futile. But he added: "Intimidate your
enemy.
> > . . . It is not possible to remain silent before their violations."
> >
> > U.S. officials insisted Sunday that they had not decided whether to
crack
> > down on Sadr's group. But L. Paul Bremer, the civilian administrator of
Iraq,
> > suggested that the violence would have consequences.
> >
> > "A group of people in Najaf have crossed the line," Bremer said at a
news
> > conference. "This will not be tolerated. This will not be tolerated by
the
> > coalition, this will not be tolerated by the Iraqi people, and this will
not
> > be tolerated by the Iraqi security forces."
> >
> > For months, occupation authorities have been divided over how to respond
to
> > Sadr's challenge.
> >
> > Since last summer, U.S. authorities had tried to persuade Iraq's more
senior
> > and moderate clergy to rein in Sadr, whom one senior official described
at
> > the time as "a populist, a critic and a rabble-rouser." "We're watching
him
> > and some of the big [ayatollahs] are watching us, and we're both hoping
the
> > other does something," the official said.
> >
> > Part of the reservation was motivated by the fear of a Shiite backlash.
Since
> > the start of the occupation, the desire to maintain Shiite support -- or
at
> > least acquiescence -- has served as one of the administration's key
> > objectives.
> >
> > At least in public, Sadr's profile had appeared to fade in recent
months, as
> > Sistani played a more assertive role in Iraqi politics and criticized
various
> > U.S. plans for Iraq's political transition Given Sistani's stature among
the
> > country's Shiites, Sadr had refrained from direct criticism of him. But
in
> > private, his followers express resentment of Sistani's influence. They
view
> > their movement as Arab and nationalist, and endorse a far greater role
for
> > the clergy in politics and social affairs than Sistani has espoused.
> >
> > In part, the rivalry dates back to Sadr's father, Mohammed Sadiq Sadr,
who
> > competed with Sistani for influence and was assassinated in 1999. Sadr
has
> > claimed the mantle of his revered father.
> >
> > Sadr kept a lower profile after a clash in October between U.S. troops
and
> > his followers in Baghdad, but his movement's militia grew in size and
> > influence. Numbering just 500 in August and often ridiculed for its
ragtag
> > quality, its membership has since grown to as many as 10,000 men, armed
with
> > rocket-propelled grenades, mortars and light weapons.
> >
> > With security deteriorating in the south, the militia has vied for
authority
> > with the larger Badr Organization, a militia operated by a leading
Shiite
> > party, the Supreme Council for the Islamic Revolution in Iraq. Other,
smaller
> > militias belong to the Dawa party, another Shiite group with a long
history
> > in Iraq, and a mystical cleric named Sarkhi Hassani. One of Sistani's
> > representatives, Abdel-Mehdi Salami, a ranking Shiite cleric, is
believed to
> > be organizing armed followers in Karbala, another city sacred to
Shiites.
> >
> > The rising influence of the Mahdi Army, along with accusations of their
> > intimidation, death threats and illegal detentions, has alarmed U.S.
> > officials, who fear it will compete for power after the U.S.
administration
> > of Iraq ends June 30. In recent weeks, pressure has grown within the
> > occupation administration to crack down on militias, particularly
Sadr's,
> > before they gain more power.
> >
> > "We were so patient and now you can see the result," said Abu Heidar
Ghalib
> > Garawi, a leader of the Mahdi Army in Kufa, a city near Najaf. "You can
see
> > the rage of the people. What do you think? Will they [occupation
authorities]
> > respond with oppression or will they respond to the demands?"
> >
> > Correspondent Karl Vick in Kufa contributed to this report.
> >
> >
> >
> >
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