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<span class="" title="2013-09-15T17:00:57+00:00">September 15, 2013, <span>5:00 pm</span></span>
<h3 class="">The Banality of Systemic Evil</h3>
<address class="">By <a href="http://opinionator.blogs.nytimes.com/author/peter-ludlow/" class="" title="See all posts by PETER LUDLOW">PETER LUDLOW</a></address>
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<p>In recent months there has been a visible struggle in the media to
come to grips with the leaking, whistle-blowing and hacktivism that has
vexed the United States military and the private and government
intelligence communities. This response has run the gamut. It has
involved attempts to condemn, support, demonize, psychoanalyze and in
some cases canonize figures like Aaron Swartz, Jeremy Hammond, Chelsea
Manning and Edward Snowden.</p><p>In broad terms, commentators in the
mainstream and corporate media have tended to assume that all of these
actors needed to be brought to justice, while independent players on the
Internet and elsewhere have been much more supportive. Tellingly, a
recent Time magazine cover story has pointed out a marked generational
difference in how people view these matters: 70 percent of those age 18
to 34 sampled in a poll said they believed that <a href="http://swampland.time.com/2013/06/13/new-time-poll-support-for-the-leaker-and-his-prosecution/">Snowden “did a good thing”</a> in leaking the news of the National Security Agency’s surveillance program.</p>
<p>So has the younger generation lost its moral compass?</p><p>No. In my view, just the opposite.</p><p>Clearly,
there is a moral principle at work in the actions of the leakers,
whistle-blowers and hacktivists and those who support them. I would also
argue that that moral principle has been clearly articulated, and it
may just save us from a dystopian future.</p><p>In “Eichmann in
Jerusalem,” one of the most poignant and important works of 20th-century
philosophy, Hannah Arendt made an observation about what she called
“the banality of evil.” One interpretation of this holds that is was not
an observation about what a regular guy Adolph Eichmann seemed to be, <span style="color:rgb(255,0,0)"><font size="4"><b>
but rather a statement about what happens when people play their
“proper” roles within a system, following proscribed conduct with
respect to that system, while remaining blind to the moral consequences
of what the system was doing — or at least compartmentalizing and
ignoring those consequences.</b></font></span></p><p>A good illustration of this
phenomenon appears in “Moral Mazes,” a book by the sociologist Robert
Jackall that explored the ethics of decision making within several
corporate bureaucracies. In it, Jackall made several observations that
dovetailed with those of Arendt. The mid-level managers that he spoke
with were not “evil” people in their everyday lives, but in the context
of their jobs, they had a separate moral code altogether, what Jackall
calls the “fundamental rules of corporate life”:</p><blockquote><p>(1)
You never go around your boss. (2) You tell your boss what he wants to
hear, even when your boss claims that he wants dissenting views. (3) If
your boss wants something dropped, you drop it. (4) You are sensitive to
your boss’s wishes so that you anticipate what he wants; you don’t
force him, in other words, to act as a boss. (5) Your job is not to
report something that your boss does not want reported, but rather to
cover it up. You do your job and you keep your mouth shut.</p></blockquote><p>Jackall
went through case after case in which managers violated this code and
were drummed out of a business (for example, for reporting wrongdoing in
the cleanup at the Three Mile Island nuclear power plant).</p><p>Aaron
Swartz counted “Moral Mazes” among his “very favorite books.” Swartz was
the Internet wunderkind who was hounded by a government prosecution
threatening him with 35 years in jail for illicitly downloading academic
journals that were behind a pay wall. Swartz, who committed suicide in
January at age 26 (many believe because of his prosecution), said that
“Moral Mazes” did an excellent job of “<a href="http://www.aaronsw.com/weblog/bizethics">explaining how so many well-intentioned people can end up committing so much evil.</a>”</p><p>Swartz
argued that it was sometimes necessary to break the rules that required
obedience to the system in order to avoid systemic evil. In Swartz’s
case the system was not a corporation but a system for the dissemination
of bottled up knowledge that should have been available to all. Swartz
engaged in an act of civil disobedience to liberate that knowledge,
arguing that “<a href="http://ia700808.us.archive.org/17/items/GuerillaOpenAccessManifesto/Goamjuly2008.pdf">there is no justice in following unjust laws</a>.
It’s time to come into the light and, in the grand tradition of civil
disobedience, declare our opposition to this private theft of public
culture.”</p><p>Chelsea Manning, the United States Army private
incarcerated for leaking classified documents from the Departments of
Defense and State, felt a similar pull to resist the internal rules of
the bureaucracy. In a statement at her trial she described a case where
she felt this was necessary. In February 2010, she received a report of
an event in which the Iraqi Federal Police had detained 15 people for
printing “anti-Iraqi” literature. Upon investigating the matter, Manning
discovered that none of the 15 had previous ties to anti-Iraqi actions
or suspected terrorist organizations. Manning had the allegedly
anti-Iraqi literature translated and found that, contrary to what the
federal police had said, the published literature in question “detailed
corruption within the cabinet of Prime Minister Nuri Kamal al-Maliki’s
government and the financial impact of his corruption on the Iraqi
people.”</p><p>When Manning reported this discrepancy to the officer in charge (OIC), she was told to “drop it,” she recounted.</p><p>Manning
could not play along. As she put it, she knew if she “continued to
assist the Baghdad Federal Police in identifying the political opponents
of Prime Minister al-Maliki, those people would be arrested and in the
custody of the Special Unit of the Baghdad Federal Police and very
likely tortured and not seen again for a very long time — if ever.” When
her superiors would not address the problem, she was compelled to <a href="http://www.bradleymanning.org/news/bradley-mannings-statement-taking-responsibility-for-releasing-documents-to-wikileaks">pass this information on to WikiLeaks</a>.</p>
<p>Snowden
too felt that, confronting what was clearly wrong, he could not play
his proper role within the bureaucracy of the intelligence community. As
he put it,</p><blockquote><p>[W]hen you talk to people about [abuses]
in a place like this where this is the normal state of business people
tend not to take them very seriously and move on from them. But over
time that awareness of wrongdoing sort of builds up and you feel
compelled to talk about [them]. And the more you talk about [them] the
more you’re ignored. The more you’re told it’s not a problem until
eventually you realize that these things need to be determined by the
public and not by somebody who was simply hired by the government.</p></blockquote><p>The
bureaucracy was telling him to shut up and move on (in accord with the
five rules in “Moral Mazes”), but Snowden felt that doing so was <a href="http://www.policymic.com/articles/47355/edward-snowden-interview-transcript-full-text-read-the-guardian-s-entire-interview-with-the-man-who-leaked-prism">morally wrong</a>.</p>
<p>In a June <a href="http://www.nytimes.com/2013/06/11/opinion/brooks-the-solitary-leaker.html?_r=2&">Op-Ed in The Times</a>,
David Brooks made a case for why he thought Snowden was wrong to leak
information about the Prism surveillance program. His reasoning cleanly
framed the alternative to the moral code endorsed by Swartz, Manning and
Snowden. “For society to function well,” he wrote, “there have to be
basic levels of trust and cooperation, a respect for institutions and
deference to common procedures. By deciding to unilaterally leak secret
N.S.A. documents, Snowden has betrayed all of these things.”</p><p>The
complaint is eerily parallel to one from a case discussed in “Moral
Mazes,” where an accountant was dismissed because he insisted on
reporting “irregular payments, doctored invoices, and shuffling
numbers.” The complaint against the accountant by the other managers of
his company was that “by insisting on his own moral purity … he eroded
the fundamental trust and understanding that makes cooperative
managerial work possible.”</p><p>But wasn’t there arrogance or hubris in
Snowden’s and Manning’s decisions to leak the documents? After all,
weren’t there established procedures determining what was right further
up the organizational chart? Weren’t these ethical decisions better left
to someone with a higher pay grade? The former United States ambassador
to the United Nations, John Bolton, argued that Snowden “thinks he’s
smarter and has a higher morality than the rest of us … that he can see
clearer than other 299, 999, 999 of us, and therefore he can do what he
wants. I say that is the <a href="http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-2338534/Edward-Snowden-speaks-NSA-contractor-leaked-details-surveillance-scheme-reveals-himself.html#ixzz2Xdp7tLI2">worst form of treason</a>.”</p>
<p>For
the leaker and whistleblower the answer to Bolton is that there can be
no expectation that the system will act morally of its own accord.
Systems are optimized for their own survival and preventing the system
from doing evil may well require breaking with organizational niceties,
protocols or laws. It requires stepping outside of one’s assigned
organizational role. The chief executive is not in a better position to
recognize systemic evil than is a middle level manager or, for that
matter, an IT contractor. Recognizing systemic evil does not require
rank or intelligence, just honesty of vision.</p><p>Persons of
conscience who step outside their assigned organizational roles are not
new. There are many famous earlier examples, including Daniel Ellsberg
(the Pentagon Papers), John Kiriakou (of the Central Intelligence
Agency) and several former N.S.A. employees, who blew the whistle on
what they saw as an unconstitutional and immoral surveillance program
(William Binney, Russ Tice and Thomas Drake, for example). But it seems
that we are witnessing a new generation of whistleblowers and leakers,
which we might call generation W (for the generation that came of age in
the era WikiLeaks, and now the war on whistleblowing).</p><p>The
media’s desire to psychoanalyze members of generation W is natural
enough. They want to know why these people are acting in a way that
they, members of the corporate media, would not. But sauce for the goose
is sauce for the gander; if there are psychological motivations for
whistleblowing, leaking and hacktivism, there are likewise psychological
motivations for closing ranks with the power structure within a system —
in this case a system in which corporate media plays an important role.
Similarly it is possible that the system itself is sick, even though
the actors within the organization are behaving in accord with
organizational etiquette and respecting the internal bonds of trust.</p><p>Just
as Hannah Arendt saw that the combined action of loyal managers can
give rise to unspeakable systemic evil, so too generation W has seen
that complicity within the surveillance state can give rise to evil as
well — not the horrific evil that Eichmann’s bureaucratic efficiency
brought us, but still an Orwellian future that must be avoided at all
costs.<br></p><p><em>Peter Ludlow is a professor of philosophy at
Northwestern University and writes frequently on digital culture,
hacktivism and the surveillance state.</em></p></div>
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</div><br clear="all"><br>-- <br>Art Deco (Wayne A. Fox)<br><a href="mailto:art.deco.studios@gmail.com" target="_blank">art.deco.studios@gmail.com</a><br><br><img src="http://users.moscow.com/waf/WP%20Fox%2001.jpg"><br>
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