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<div class="">March 16, 2013</div>
<h1>The Real Spending Problem</h1>
<h6 class="">By
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<a href="http://www.nytimes.com/interactive/opinion/editorialboard.html" rel="author" title="More Articles by THE EDITORIAL BOARD"><span>THE EDITORIAL BOARD</span></a></span></h6>
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<p>
The budget fight in Washington, which entered a new round <a title="NY Times article" href="http://www.nytimes.com/2013/03/13/us/politics/ryans-plan-aims-to-balance-budget-in-10-years.html">last week</a>
as Senate Democrats and House Republicans introduced dueling plans, is
usually cast as a contest between raising taxes and cutting spending. In
fact, the taxes-versus-spending distinction is largely meaningless.
</p>
<p>
Each year, the government doles out tax breaks worth $1.1 trillion. That
is more than the cost of Medicare and Medicaid combined. It is more
than Social Security. It tops the defense budget, and it tops the budget
for nondefense discretionary programs, which include most everything
else. </p>
<p>
Tax breaks work like spending. Giving a deduction for certain
activities, like homeownership or retirement savings, is the same as
writing a government check to subsidize those activities. Functionally,
they mimic entitlements. Like Medicare, Medicaid and Social Security,
they are available, year in and year out, in full, to all who qualify.
Yet in budget talks, Republicans ignore tax entitlements, which flow
mostly to high-income taxpayers, while pushing to cut Medicare, Medicaid
and Social Security. </p>
<p>
President Obama and Congressional Democrats have rightly asserted that
tax breaks are ripe for cuts that could raise revenue without hurting
most taxpayers. One method, as presented in the Senate Democratic plan,
is to convert tax deductions, which increase in value as income rises,
to tax credits, which would provide benefits more broadly and evenly
among low-, middle- and high-income households. </p>
<p>
Tax deductions, however, are only one kind of tax break. Many others
take the form of arrangements that allow wealthy taxpayers to either
escape tax entirely on specific transactions or to defer it
indefinitely. </p>
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Democratic budget proposals have targeted some tax shelters. They all
bear scrutiny. Especially now, when solutions are needed to replace the
automatic budget cuts, many tactics are indefensible and should be
ended, including: </p>
<p>
<strong>CARRIED INTEREST</strong> This loophole lets private equity
partners pay tax on most of their income at a top rate of 20 percent,
versus a top rate of 39.6 percent for other high-income professionals.
It drains the Treasury of $13.4 billion a decade, and should be closed,
along with a shelter recently enacted in Puerto Rico that would help
shield the income of individuals whose taxes would rise if the
carried-interest tax break was eliminated. </p>
<p>
<strong>NINE-FIGURE I.R.A.’S</strong> Remember Mitt Romney’s $100
million I.R.A? Private equity partners apparently build up vast
tax-deferred accounts by claiming that the equity interests transferred
to such accounts from, say, their firms’ buyout targets are not worth
much. No one knows how much tax is avoided this way. What is known is
that I.R.A.’s are meant to help build retirement nest eggs, not to help
amass huge estates to pass on to heirs. </p>
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<strong>‘LIKE KIND’ EXCHANGES</strong> As reported <a title="NY Times article" href="http://www.nytimes.com/2013/01/07/business/economy/companies-exploit-tax-break-for-asset-exchanges-trial-evidence-shows.html?pagewanted=all">in The Times</a>
by David Kocieniewski, this tax break was enacted some 90 years ago to
help farmers sell land and horses without owing tax, as long as they
used the proceeds to buy new farm assets. Today, it is used by wealthy
individuals and big companies to avoid tax on the sale of art, vacation
homes, rental properties, oil wells, commercial real estate and
thoroughbred horses, among other transactions. Government estimates say
this costs about $3 billion a year, but industry data suggest the amount
could be far higher. </p>
<p>
The list goes on. American multinationals, insurance companies and
so-called S corporations are tax avoidance machines. What remains of the
estate tax is beset with tax dodges. Even <a href="http://lawprofessors.typepad.com/nonprofit/2012/02/proposal-to-eliminate-charitable-deductions-for-golf-course-easements.html">golf courses are entitled</a>
to a special tax break of their own: some $50 million a year is granted
to owners who donate golf courses to conservation trusts, ostensibly to
benefit the public — though the public good in private courses is
dubious. </p>
<p>
In this time of ill-advised budget cuts, there are surely better ways to
spend that money. For $50 million, 6,000 children could attend Head
Start next year. </p>
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<br clear="all"><br>-- <br>Art Deco (Wayne A. Fox)<br><a href="mailto:art.deco.studios@gmail.com" target="_blank">art.deco.studios@gmail.com</a><br><br><img src="http://users.moscow.com/waf/WP%20Fox%2001.jpg"><br>
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