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<div class="timestamp">October 30, 2012</div>
<h1>Illogical Housing Aid</h1>
<h6 class="byline">By
<span><span>YONAH FREEMARK</span></span> and <span><span>LAWRENCE J. VALE</span></span></h6>
<div id="articleBody">
<p>
Cambridge, Mass. </p>
<p>
THE tax deduction for mortgage interest may not quite be the “third
rail” of politics that Social Security is, but politicians on both sides
have long been afraid to touch it. So when Mitt Romney recently floated
the idea of capping this deduction, Democrats pounced. </p>
<p>
Here, after all, was Mr. Romney arguing to cut a long-favored tax
benefit for middle-class homeowners — in the midst of a soft housing
market, no less — so as to make up lost revenue from his proposed tax
cuts that, critics say, disproportionately benefit the wealthy. </p>
<p>
But while <a href="http://www.taxpolicycenter.org/numbers/displayatab.cfm?Docid=3296">Mr. Romney’s tax proposal</a>
over all may not be fair or sensible — or even mathematically logical —
Democrats shouldn’t be so quick to attack any change to the mortgage
interest deduction. In doing that, they’re depriving themselves of a
potentially powerful tool for progressive governance, one that could
greatly increase funding for affordable housing. In truth, the mortgage
interest tax deduction benefits the rich far more than middle-income
families. A <a href="http://www.cbpp.org/files/7-13-12hous-rep.pdf">2012 study by the nonpartisan Center on Budget and Policy Priorities</a>
shows that of federal tax expenditures for homeowners, more than half
goes to households with annual incomes above $100,000, about twice the
United States median. </p>
<p>
Upper-income Americans take advantage of these policies to help them buy
million-dollar homes, but there are relatively few federal housing
dollars for extremely low-income families — and even fewer for those in
the next tier up, who earn between $20,000 and $50,000 a year. Rather
than preserve the mortgage-interest deduction as it is now, progressive
politicians would do better to redirect the benefits we currently
provide to America’s wealthiest homeowners to supporting housing for
struggling and moderate-income families. </p>
<p>
Indeed, Mr. Romney’s father, George W. Romney, adopted just such a
position. As Richard Nixon’s secretary of the Department of Housing and
Urban Development (H.U.D.), the elder Romney was an ardent advocate of
aid to the poor. </p>
<p>
In December 1972, he wrote Nixon to suggest a “staged reduction” in
mortgage interest and property tax deductions. He thought savings should
be shifted toward affordable housing. “At a minimum,” he argued, “this
would offset the impression that this budget is taking away from the
poor to benefit the middle income and rich.” Mitt Romney has a different
view. The primary justification for his own willingness to consider
capping mortgage deductions is to replace lost revenue from his proposed
20 percent across-the-board federal tax cut, a policy whose prime
beneficiary would be upper-income households. </p>
<p>
Fundamentally, the younger Mr. Romney has demonstrated no interest in
promoting the cause of affordable housing once championed by his father.
At a private fund-raiser this spring, Mr. Romney said H.U.D. “<a href="http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/the-fix/post/mitt-romney-at-private-fundraiser-i-might-eliminate-hud/2012/04/16/gIQA5QuKLT_blog.html">might not be around later</a>” if he were elected president. </p>
<p>
Though certain of the department’s programs could be transferred
elsewhere in the government, continued support requires presidential
backing. Slashing H.U.D.’s programs would pull the plug on an essential
lifeline for millions of Americans who are unable to afford the cost of
market-rate housing. Today, that need is greater than it has been in
years. </p>
<p>
Since 2000, federal assistance to the poor through long-term subsidies
of public housing and Housing Choice Vouchers (Section 8) has stagnated.
A third program, the Low-Income Housing Tax Credit, encourages the
development of housing for working-class families, but the affordability
of the apartments it covers is guaranteed only for a limited time.
</p>
<p>
Together, public housing and voucher programs serve roughly the same
number of households as in 2000, even though the nation’s population has
grown by 33 million, or 12 percent, and the number of impoverished
people has ballooned by 14 million, or 45 percent. </p>
<p>
Today, the federal government spends about $40 billion annually on
housing programs designed specifically for low-income households. Yet
the mortgage interest deduction alone costs the Treasury some $80
billion a year. Almost $35 billion in housing aid goes to families with
incomes above $200,000. </p>
<p>
The National Low Income Housing Coalition (N.L.I.H.C.), working with
Representative Keith Ellison, Democrat of Minnesota, and more than 350
organizations nationwide, suggests <a href="http://nlihc.org/issues/mid">reforming the deduction</a> by converting it to a credit, capping eligible mortgages at $500,000 and using the proceeds to finance the<a href="http://www.hud.gov/offices/cpd/affordablehousing/programs/home/htf.cfm"> National Housing Trust Fund</a>. </p>
<p>
This is a good idea: it would increase the number of middle-income
families qualified for homeowners’ aid but reduce expenditures over all
by cutting spending for the wealthy. Were about $30 billion in saved
funds redirected to the poor, as the coalition proposes, federal funding
for affordable housing could be almost doubled with no change in the
deficit. </p>
<p>
A governor named Romney once supported expanding access to affordable
housing. The N.L.I.H.C.’s straightforward plan would do just that —
without depriving most moderate- and middle-income families of a
much-cherished tax break. </p>
<p>
It’s time to touch that third rail. </p>
<div class="authorIdentification">
<p>Yonah Freemark is a graduate student in city planning and
transportation. Lawrence J. Vale is a professor of urban design and
planning at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology.</p> </div>
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