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<div class="timestamp">September 2, 2012</div>
<h1>When Capitalists Cared</h1>
<h6 class="byline">By
<span><span>HEDRICK SMITH</span></span></h6>
<div id="articleBody">
<p>
Washington </p>
<p>
IN the rancorous debate over how to get the sluggish economy moving, we
have forgotten the wisdom of Henry Ford. In 1914, not long after the
Ford Motor Company came out with the Model T, Ford made the startling
announcement that he would pay his workers the unheard-of wage of $5 a
day. </p>
<p>
Not only was it a matter of social justice, Ford wrote, but paying high
wages was also smart business. When wages are low, uncertainty dogs the
marketplace and growth is weak. But when pay is high and steady, Ford
asserted, business is more secure because workers earn enough to become
good customers. They can afford to buy Model Ts. </p>
<p>
This is not to suggest that Ford single-handedly created the American
middle class. But he was one of the first business leaders to articulate
what economists call “the virtuous circle of growth”: well-paid workers
generating consumer demand that in turn promotes business expansion and
hiring. Other executives bought his logic, and just as important,
strong unions fought for rising pay and good benefits in contracts like
the 1950 “Treaty of Detroit” between General Motors and the United Auto
Workers. </p>
<p>
Riding the dynamics of the virtuous circle, America enjoyed its best period of sustained growth in the decades after <a href="http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/subjects/w/world_war_ii_/index.html?inline=nyt-classifier" title="More articles about Wold War II." class="meta-classifier">World War II</a>,
from 1945 to 1973, even though income tax rates were far higher than
today. It created not only unprecedented middle-class prosperity but
also far greater economic equality than today. </p>
<p>
The chief executives of the long postwar boom believed that business success and workers’ well-being ran in tandem. </p>
<p>
Frank W. Abrams, chairman of Standard Oil of New Jersey, voiced the
corporate mantra of “stakeholder capitalism”: the need to balance the
interests of all the stakeholders in the corporate family. “The job of
management,” he wrote, “is to maintain an equitable and working balance
among the claims of the various directly affected interest groups,”
which he defined as “stockholders, employees, customers and the public
at large.” </p>
<p>
Earl S. Willis, a manager of employee benefits at General Electric,
declared that “the employee who can plan his economic future with
reasonable certainty is an employer’s most productive asset.” </p>
<p>
>From 1948 to 1973, the productivity of all nonfarm workers nearly
doubled, as did average hourly compensation. But things changed
dramatically starting in the late 1970s. Although productivity increased
by 80.1 percent from 1973 to 2011, average wages rose only 4.2 percent
and hourly compensation (wages plus benefits) rose only 10 percent over
that time, according to government data analyzed by the Economic Policy
Institute. </p>
<p>
At the same time, corporate profits were booming. In 2006, the year
before the Great Recession began, corporate profits garnered the largest
share of national income since 1942, while the share going to wages and
salaries sank to the lowest level since 1929. In the recession’s
aftermath, corporate profits have bounced back while middle-class
incomes have stagnated. </p>
<p>
Today the prevailing cut-to-the-bone business ethos means that a company
like Caterpillar demands a wage freeze and lower health benefits from
its workers, while posting record profits. </p>
<p>
Globalization, including the rise of Asia, and technological innovation
can’t explain all or even most of today’s gaping inequality; if they
did, we would see in other advanced economies the same
hyperconcentration of wealth and the same stagnation of middle-class
wages as in the United States. But we don’t. </p>
<p>
In Germany, still a manufacturing and export powerhouse, average hourly
pay has risen five times faster since 1985 than in the United States.
The secret of Germany’s success, says Klaus Kleinfeld, who ran the
German electrical giant Siemens before taking over the American aluminum
company Alcoa in 2008, is “the social contract: the willingness of
business, labor and political leaders to put aside some of their
differences and make agreements in the national interests.” </p>
<p>
In short, German leaders have practiced stakeholder capitalism and
followed the century-old wisdom of Henry Ford, while American business
and political leaders have dismantled the dynamics of the “virtuous
circle” in pursuit of downsizing, offshoring and short-term profit and
big dividends for their investors. </p>
<p>
Today, we are all paying the price for this shift. As Ford recognized,
if average Americans do not have secure jobs with steady and rising pay,
the economy will be sluggish. Since the early 1990s, we have been mired
three times in “jobless recoveries.” It’s time for America’s business
elites to step beyond political rhetoric about protecting wealthy “job
creators” and grasp Ford’s insight: Give the middle class a better share
of the nation’s economic gains, and the economy will grow faster. Our
history shows that. </p>
<div class="authorIdentification">
<p> <a href="http://hedricksmith.com/">Hedrick Smith</a>, a former correspondent and Washington bureau chief of The New York Times, is the author of “Who Stole the American Dream?” </p> </div>
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