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<div class="timestamp">August 12, 2012</div>
<h1>The Romney Package</h1>
<h6 class="byline">By
<span>
<a href="http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/people/k/bill_keller/index.html" rel="author" title="More Articles by BILL KELLER">BILL KELLER</a></span></h6>
<div id="articleBody">
<p>
BRACE yourself for weeks of chatter about Mitt Romney’s running mate.
Vice presidents matter, as we have been spookily reminded by the recent
re-emergence of Dick Cheney on our TV screens. And Paul Ryan matters
more than most. (See below.) </p>
<p>
But these days you don’t just elect a ticket of two; you elect a whole
package. Presidents come with a cast of advisers, think tanks,
lobbyists, legislators, donors and watchdogs. Some in the entourage end
up in key jobs; others operate as a kind of shadow cabinet, vetting
choices and enforcing doctrine. </p>
<p>
This is especially true of Republicans, who have spent decades building a
disciplined conservative infrastructure that recruits talent, culls
dissenters and lays down the law. Compared with Democrats, who are
scattered left and center, a Republican administration is more than ever
a conservative turnkey project. </p>
<p>
As governor of Massachusetts, Romney gathered a team of technocrats,
centrist Republicans, even some Democrats. “He sought competence,
experience and creativity and gave less weight to politics or ideology,”
recalled Scott Helman, a veteran Romney-watcher for The Boston Globe.
“But that was then,” he added. Yes, that was a different time, a
different place, a different Romney. </p>
<p>
It’s possible President Romney would prefer to convene an administration
of deal-cutters and problem-solvers. The trusted aides expected to help
him organize the West Wing — former Senator Jim Talent of Missouri;
Mike Leavitt, former governor of Utah; former Bain Capital partner Bob
White; and Beth Myers, who was Romney’s chief of staff in Massachusetts —
are more managers than firebrands. </p>
<p>
The question is whether anything short of hyperpartisanship is possible
for a Republican leader in today’s Washington. At the national level,
moderate Republicans are scarce and endangered. The policy factories,
Congressional stalwarts and interest groups Romney will need to staff a
government have been ideologically purified and politically schooled,
and are mostly conservatives of the uncompromising kind. President
Romney will be as much a captive of this Republican Washington as its
leader. Ask John Boehner. </p>
<p>
What follows is a sampler of what you get with a President Romney, some
of them his choices, some thrust upon him. The primary campaign pulled
Romney sharply to the right. Here are some of the forces that are likely
to keep him there. </p>
<p>
<strong>THE APOSTLE OF MARKETS </strong> Ryan would have been a powerful
voice in a Romney administration even if he had not been chosen for the
sidekick role — the younger, quicker, more conviction-filled half of
the ticket. His <a title="New Yorker article" href="http://www.newyorker.com/talk/financial/2012/04/09/120409ta_talk_surowiecki">manifesto for lower tax rates</a>
and severe cuts in nonmilitary spending has become his party’s master
plan, a brutal alternative to the recommendations of the bipartisan
Simpson-Bowles fiscal reform commission (which Ryan participated in,
then voted against because it included tax hikes). Ryan gets demonized
as a guy who wants to privatize the safety net, and not without reason.
President Obama decried Ryan’s plan for Medicare vouchers as “social
Darwinism”; even Newt Gingrich called it “<a href="http://tpmdc.talkingpointsmemo.com/2011/05/newt-gingrich-blasts-gop-budget-as-right-wing-social-engineering.php">right-wing social engineering</a>.”
Ryan has tempered some of the more radical aspects of his plan, and the
other day he told me he regards it as the basis of a bipartisan “adult
conversation,” not the last word. (Ryan is, like Obama, the kind of
self-confident politician who will call a critical columnist if he sees a
scrap of common ground.) “We have consensus within both parties and in
the country that health security is a mission of the federal
government,” he said in a phone call from Wisconsin. But make no
mistake, Ryan embodies a philosophy that most public needs — even such
sensitive needs as health care and retirement security — are better
served with a lot less government and a lot more trust in the dubious
mercies of the marketplace. </p>
<p>
<strong><strong>THE HAWK</strong></strong> On foreign policy, Romney has
so far largely bypassed his party’s mainstream in favor of advisers
with a decidedly neoconservative bent — confrontational, unilateral,
with a missionary urge to spread American-style democracy and a
particular affinity for Israel’s hard-liners. Romney’s more conventional
insiders call it the “Bolton faction,” for John Bolton, among the most
hawkish of George W. Bush’s “freedom agenda” interventionists. Bolton is
now on the Romney team, but Dan Senor is the one who has Romney’s ear.
At 40, he is next-gen Bolton, smoother, TV-savvy, post-cold war in age
but cold war in spirit. (He <a href="http://www.foreignpolicyi.org/">co-founded a think tank</a>
with the Soviet-era neocon William Kristol.) Senor helped choreograph
Romney’s recent foreign debut, in which the candidate needlessly <a title="Guardian article" href="http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2012/jul/27/mitt-romney-gaffe-strewn-london">offended the British</a> and the <a title="Times article" href="http://www.nytimes.com/2012/07/31/us/politics/romney-angers-palestinians-with-comments-in-israel.html">Palestinians</a>.
You might think that gaffe-a-thon would be a career setback, but Senor
has survived bigger debacles. He was the spin-doctor for L. Paul Bremer,
who, as the American proconsul of post-conquest Iraq, presided over the
most highhanded and blundering stage of the occupation. </p>
<p>
<strong>THE ORIGINALIST </strong> Appointing 85-year-old Robert Bork as
co-chairman of his Justice Advisory Committee sent a clear message to
the right: The Supreme Court will be all yours. Bork is the original
originalist, champion of the doctrine that says the Constitution does
not adapt to changes in society, spiritual father of Antonin Scalia and
Clarence Thomas. A Reagan Supreme Court nominee, he was attacked (with
justification) as a radical and denied confirmation; to conservatives he
is a martyr and an oracle. Temperamentally, Romney might be tempted to
nominate someone in the slightly less doctrinaire mold of Chief Justice
John Roberts Jr. But to the hard core, Roberts is tarnished by his
ruling in support of Obama’s health care plan. As my friend the expert
court-watcher Linda Greenhouse puts it, “I think we can assume without
fear of being tendentious that Romney would go as far to the right as
the base wants and the Senate would permit.” </p>
<p>
<strong>THE TRICKLE-DOWN ECONOMIST</strong> <a title="His Web page" href="http://www.glennhubbard.net/">R. Glenn Hubbard</a>,
who has been a top Romney adviser since the 2008 campaign, is a
reputable economist, dean of Columbia Business School. He is not one of
those abolish-the-Fed, tax-cuts-pay-for-themselves charlatans who seem
to have captured the minds of so many Republicans. But he has
increasingly traded in his economic science for partisan politics. As
chairman of George W. Bush’s Council of Economic Advisers, Hubbard
rationalized huge tax cuts (the promised bonanza of jobs failed to
materialize) and deregulation (widely blamed for contributing to the
housing and banking mess). Now he lends an expert gloss to the claim
that Romney’s <a href="http://www.mittromney.com/blogs/mitts-view/2012/08/mitt-romneys-plan-stronger-middle-class01">sketchy economic plan</a> will create 12 million jobs — a claim I doubt would pass muster in a first-year Econ class at Columbia. </p>
<p>
<strong><strong>THE MOGUL CHORUS</strong></strong> The traditional
euphemism in Washington is that money doesn’t buy influence; it just
buys access. Whatever you call it, Romney’s mega-donors, who have their
individual pet issues and a shared loathing of regulations of any kind,
will not be settling for sleepovers in the Lincoln Bedroom. Sheldon
Adelson (casinos and Israel), Charles and David Koch (petroleum and
libertarian politics) and <a title="Times article" href="http://www.nytimes.com/2010/10/22/us/politics/22perry.html">Bob Perry</a>
(home builder and bankroller of the Swift Boat slander) will not be
taking cabinet jobs. But don’t expect to see a secretary of commerce or
energy or a director of the Environmental Protection Agency (if any of
those positions still exist) or any other key regulator who does not
pass muster with Romney’s big investors, or does not take their phone
calls. </p>
<p>
<strong>THE TEAM OF RIVALS</strong> Just as Obama recruited Hillary
Clinton and Joe Biden into his administration, a victorious Romney would
reach out to Sarah Palin, Newt Gingrich, Rick Santorum, Herman Cain ...
just kidding! Santorum does have a speaking slot at the convention, and
he needs a job (secretary of health and human services would be a
horrifying sop to social conservatives), but the Republican also-rans
are most likely to play the role of visible and ornery watchdogs. I
expect their only personal contact with President Romney would be in the
green room at Fox News. </p>
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