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<div class="timestamp">May 21, 2012</div>
<h1>Public Money Finds Back Door to Private Schools</h1>
<span><h6 class="byline">By <a rel="author" href="http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/people/s/stephanie_saul/index.html?inline=nyt-per" title="More Articles by Stephanie Saul" class="meta-per">STEPHANIE SAUL</a></h6>
</span>
<div id="articleBody">
<p>
When the Georgia legislature passed a private school scholarship program
in 2008, lawmakers promoted it as a way to give poor children the same
education choices as the wealthy. </p>
<p>
The program would be supported by donations to nonprofit scholarship
groups, and Georgians who contributed would receive dollar-for-dollar
tax credits, up to $2,500 a couple. The intent was that money otherwise
due to the Georgia treasury — about $50 million a year — would be used
instead to help needy students escape struggling public schools. </p>
<p>
That was the idea, at least. But parents meeting at Gwinnett Christian
Academy got a completely different story last year. </p>
<p>
“A very small percentage of that money will be set aside for a
needs-based scholarship fund,” Wyatt Bozeman, an administrator at the
school near Atlanta, said during an informational session. “The rest of
the money will be channeled to the family that raised it.” </p>
<p>
A handout circulated at the meeting instructed families to donate,
qualify for a tax credit and then apply for a scholarship for their own
children, many of whom were already attending the school. </p>
<p>
“If a student has friends, relatives or even corporations that pay
Georgia income tax, all of those people can make a donation to that
child’s school,” added an official with a scholarship group working with
the school. </p>
<p>
The exchange at Gwinnett Christian Academy, a recording of which was
obtained by The New York Times, is just one example of how scholarship
programs have been twisted to benefit private schools at the expense of
the neediest children. </p>
<p>
Spreading at a time of deep cutbacks in public schools, the programs are
operating in eight states and represent one of the fastest-growing
components of the school choice movement. This school year alone, the
programs redirected nearly $350 million that would have gone into public
budgets to pay for private school scholarships for 129,000 students,
according to the Alliance for School Choice, an advocacy organization.
Legislators in at least nine other states are considering the programs.
</p>
<p>
While the scholarship programs have helped many children whose parents
would have to scrimp or work several jobs to send them to private
schools, the money has also been used to attract star football players,
expand the payrolls of the nonprofit scholarship groups and spread the
theology of creationism, interviews and documents show. Even some
private school parents and administrators have questioned whether the
programs are a charade. </p>
<p>
Most of the private schools are religious. Nearly a quarter of the
participating schools in Georgia require families to make a profession
of religious faith, according to their Web sites. Many of those schools
adhere to a fundamentalist brand of Christianity. A commonly used
sixth-grade science text retells the creation story contained in
Genesis, omitting any other explanation. An economics book used in some
high schools holds that the Antichrist — a world ruler predicted in the
New Testament — will one day control what is bought and sold. </p>
<p>
The programs are insulated from provisions requiring church-state
separation because the donations are collected and distributed by the
nonprofit scholarship groups. </p>
<p>
A cottage industry of these groups has sprung up, in some cases
collecting hundreds of thousands of dollars in administrative fees,
according to tax filings. The groups often work in concert with private
schools like Gwinnett Christian Academy to solicit donations and
determine who will get the scholarships — in effect limiting school
choice for the students themselves. In most states, students who
withdraw from the schools cannot take the scholarship money with them.
</p>
<p>
Public school officials view the tax credits as poorly disguised state
subsidies, part of an expanding agenda to shift tax dollars away from
traditional public schools. “Our position is that this is a shell game,”
said Chris Thomas, general counsel for the Arizona School Boards
Association. </p>
<p>
Some of the programs have also become enmeshed in politics, including in
Pennsylvania, where more than 200 organizations distribute more than
$40 million a year donated by corporations. Two of the state’s largest
scholarship organizations are controlled by lobbyists, and they
frequently ask lawmakers to help decide which schools get the money,
according to interviews. The arrangement provides a potential
opportunity for corporate donors seeking to influence legislators and
also gives the lobbying firms access to both lawmakers and potential new
clients. </p>
<p>
The programs differ from state to state, with varying tax benefits for
donors and varying rules on who may receive the scholarships. Arizona’s
largest program permits donors to recommend students who already attend
private schools. Pennsylvania’s program lets them get scholarships and
also lets scholarship organizations retain up to 20 percent in
administrative fees. </p>
<p>
Some states have moved to tighten restrictions after receiving
complaints. In Florida, where the scholarships are strictly controlled
to make sure they go to poor families, only corporations are eligible
for the tax credits, eliminating the chance of parents donating for
their own benefit. Also, all scholarships are handled by one nonprofit
organization, and its fees are limited to 3 percent of donations.
Florida also permits the scholarships to move with the students if they
elect to change schools. </p>
<p>
David Figlio, a professor at Northwestern University who has <a href="http://www.floridaschoolchoice.org/information/ctc/files/figlio_ftc_test_score_report_2010.pdf">studied</a>
Florida’s program, said it was an important alternative to public
schools for some families. “They’re doing it because they’re feeling
stuck,” Dr. Figlio said. “Their kids are doing poorly in the classroom,
and they don’t know why.” </p>
<p>
In Georgia, the scholarship program was criticized for widespread abuses in a <a href="http://www.southerneducation.org/content/pdf/A_Failed_Experiment_Georgias_Tax_Credit.pdf">report</a> last year by the Southern Education Foundation, a nonprofit group based in Atlanta that works to improve education. </p>
<p>
State Representative Earl Ehrhart, a Republican who helped write the
Georgia law, called that report “sophistry” and said that any abuses in
the program were anomalies. “I can’t tell you about the difference it
makes in the lives of these kids,” Mr. Ehrhart said. </p>
<p>
The report found that from 2007, the year before the program was
enacted, through 2009, private school enrollment increased by only
one-third of one percent in the metropolitan counties that included most
of the private schools in the scholarship program. </p>
<p>
The logical conclusion was that most of the students receiving the scholarships had not come from public schools. </p>
<p>
“The law was passed under a certain promise,” said Steve Suitts, vice
president of the foundation. “There is no evidence it’s going to those
purposes. The kids who were supposed to benefit are not benefiting.”
</p>
<p>
<strong>‘Fiendishly Clever’</strong> </p>
<p>
The scholarship programs represent the expansion of a mission that began
more than 10 years ago, when the school choice movement ran into
headwinds over the use of vouchers. Vouchers, which directly use public
money to finance private school educations, were unpopular among many
voters and legislators, and several state courts had found them
unconstitutional. </p>
<p>
Proponents decided to reposition themselves, and in 1997, Arizona’s
Legislature adopted the first tax-credit scholarship program. </p>
<p>
For school choice advocates, the genius of the program was that the
money would never go into public accounts, making it less susceptible to
court challenges. Representative Trent Franks, an Arizona Republican
and former state lawmaker, is credited with the idea of routing the
donations through nonprofit organizations. “The teachers’ union called
it fiendishly clever,” Mr. Franks said during a recent interview.
</p>
<p>
“The difficulty of getting at this thing from a constitutional point of
view is that there are private dollars coming from a private individual
and going to a private foundation. It drives the N.E.A. completely off
the wall because they can’t say this is government funding,” Mr. Franks
said, referring to the National Education Association. </p>
<p>
Kevin Welner, a professor of education at the University of Colorado,
Boulder, who wrote a book on the tax-credit programs, dubbed them
“neovouchers.” </p>
<p>
As predicted, tax credits have thus far withstood legal challenges, most recently when the Supreme Court <a href="http://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/10pdf/09-987.pdf">upheld</a>
Arizona’s program last year. It had been challenged on the grounds that
it violated the Establishment Clause of the First Amendment, which
prohibits government endorsement of religion. </p>
<p>
A national network of school choice advocates has been promoting the
programs with financing from conservative activists and foundations. The
advocacy groups do everything from financing political advertising to
lobbying state legislatures. One group, the American Federation for
Children in Washington, D.C., has not shied from the rough-and-tumble of
state politics. </p>
<p>
In Florida’s 2010 election, the federation supplied $255,000 to finance
an organization that paid for advertising against Dan Gelber, who was
running for attorney general and had opposed state financing for private
schools. </p>
<p>
The ads, mailed to Jewish neighborhoods, called Mr. Gelber “toxic to
Jewish education.” His staff found out about them from his 11-year-old
daughter, who called the office in tears after finding an ad in their
mailbox. </p>
<p>
One big proponent of the tax-credit programs is the American Legislative
Exchange Council, a coalition of conservative lawmakers and
corporations that strongly influences many state legislatures. The
council became a flash point in the Trayvon Martin case because it had
championed the controversial Stand Your Ground gun laws. </p>
<p>
“ALEC is a huge player in pushing forward a conservative agenda based on
the premise that the free market and private sectors address social
problems better than the government,” said Julie Underwood, dean of the
school of education at the University of Wisconsin, Madison, who has
been critical of ALEC’s education agenda. </p>
<p>
Scholarship legislation was approved in Virginia this year and is
gaining traction in other states, including New Hampshire and New
Jersey, according to Malcom Glenn, a spokesman for the American
Federation for Children. Schools participating in the programs range
from elite private academies to small, inexpensive programs operating in
church education wings. The New Jersey proposal would establish a
five-year pilot program in several school districts, including Lakewood,
a community with a number of Yeshivas. </p>
<p>
“It’s spreading,” said Mr. Ehrhart, the Georgia lawmaker. “It’s clearly a
reaction to parents’ concern about the educational experiences of their
kids.” </p>
<p>
<strong>Enrolling for Dollars</strong> </p>
<p>
After Georgia’s scholarship program was adopted, parents of children in
private schools began flooding public school offices to officially
“enroll” their children. </p>
<p>
Their plan was to fill out the paperwork even though they had no
intention of ever sending their children to public schools. According to
the way the law was interpreted, the enrollments would make them
eligible for scholarships. Some public schools balked. </p>
<p>
“I recently contacted you about having some trouble
enrolling/registering my child in a public school while he is going to a
private school,” one parent wrote to a scholarship organization last
year in an e-mail obtained by The Times. “A principal told us he cannot
attend two schools at the same time, which is simply not true because
public and private schools have nothing to do with each other. But we
need to have my child enrolled in a public school in order to qualify
for the student scholarship program.” </p>
<p>
The idea, based on a technical interpretation of the word “enroll,” was
promoted by State Representative David Casas, a Republican and
co-sponsor of the scholarship legislation in Georgia. In meetings with
parents, he had explained that the bill’s wording was intentional —
using the word “enrolled” rather than “attending” — to enable the
scholarships’ use by students already in private schools. </p>
<p>
Parents questioned the idea. “Aren’t people going to say that’s a scam?” asked one father during a <a href="http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=617T8oCoH_0">presentation</a>
by Mr. Casas that was posted on YouTube. “ ‘You’ve been going here for
nine years. Now you’re enrolling in public school? You’re enrolled in
two schools?’ ” </p>
<p>
Mr. Casas, the president of a seminary, assured him it was not a scam. “Feel fine about it,” Mr. Casas said. </p>
<p>
“Some people felt a little weird about that, felt it was dishonest that
they would take their child, enroll them in a public school and not have
them actually attend, but all of a sudden they actually qualified for a
scholarship,” Mr. Casas said at another meeting, where he called the
program “too good to be true.” A transcript of the comments was
contained in the Southern Education Foundation report. Mr. Casas did not
respond to inquiries seeking comment. </p>
<p>
The Georgia Department of Education endorsed the interpretation. </p>
<p>
Some scholarship programs rejected the idea, including one whose focus
is on low-income students. “We actually checked that out and called the
Department of Education,” said Derek Monjure, who runs a scholarship
organization called Arete Scholars Fund. “They agreed with it, but we
didn’t feel right with it and didn’t do it. It was confusing to be told
by the state organization that it’s right.” </p>
<p>
Georgia’s largest scholarship organization, the Georgia Goal Scholarship
Program, said it interpreted the law to require that students must have
attended public school for one semester, unless they are beginning
school. The program has also established income guidelines for its
recipients. </p>
<p>
Some states collect little information on the scholarship organizations.
When asked how many students switched from public to private schools,
Linda Dunn, policy analyst for the Georgia Department of Education,
said: “We don’t collect that data. We don’t regulate them in any
fashion.” </p>
<p>
The fact that children already attending private schools can receive
scholarships from some organizations means that Georgia’s private
schools have a ready source of donations — parents and families of
existing students. While the law was advertised as a way to help needy
students, it contained no income limits for eligible recipients. And
although it prohibits donations designated for a specific student, some
students are benefiting from the donations of relatives and friends.
</p>
<p>
Hanaiya Hassan, whose daughter attends Hamzah Academy in Alpharetta,
Ga., said she had saved $5,000 by asking four friends to donate to a
scholarship organization with money earmarked for her daughter’s school.
“If you collect four people for $2,500, then one of your children is
free,” she said. </p>
<p>
The friends were awarded a tax credit. Depending on their tax bracket,
some donors could actually come out ahead by filing for a federal
charitable deduction as well as the state credit. </p>
<p>
The Christian Heritage School in Dalton, Ga., circulated a flier for the
2011-12 school year titled “TUITION BREAKS FOR CURRENT FAMILIES!” It
stated, “The scholarship tax credit is so vital to CHS that the school
is encouraging all parents to participate in the program and enlist at
least two others to do the same.” Participating families would get a 10
percent tuition rebate and a $250 bonus. The rebates would be doubled or
tripled depending on overall participation. </p>
<p>
The school has discontinued the rebate program, its controller said. </p>
<p>
At Gwinnett Christian Academy, Mr. Bozeman, who was recorded saying that
donations would be funneled to the family that raised them, did not
respond to requests for comment. He has been promoted to headmaster.
</p>
<p>
Similar deals, some nicknamed “swaps,” in which parents donated for each
other’s children, have cropped up in Arizona as well, according to Mr.
Thomas, the school board association general counsel there. </p>
<p>
After news reports in 2009 about scholarships in Arizona being awarded
based on the recommendations of donors, the state enacted a series of
changes, including a prohibition on “swaps.” Mr. Thomas, however, said
he believed they were continuing. </p>
<p>
Johnathan Arnold, headmaster of Covenant Christian Academy in Cumming,
Ga., said he viewed using the program to discount tuition for existing
students as unethical. </p>
<p>
“We, as a Christian school, felt that wasn’t the right approach,” he
said. “You’re giving money out of the goodness of your heart with the
intent to receive nothing in return. When you give it for the purpose of
getting it back or actually make money on that, to me that doesn’t
qualify for the spirit of the law.” </p>
<p>
<strong>Getting In On the Act</strong> </p>
<p>
When the gas drilling company XTO Energy made generous donations for
private school scholarships in Pennsylvania, the corporate largess was
hailed in ceremonies across the state. As the cameras flashed at one
event in Punxsutawney, Sam Smith, the speaker of the Pennsylvania House
and a local native, stood with an oversize cardboard check for area
private schools. </p>
<p>
The media events began in 2010 and have generated a burst of good will
for XTO at a time when the controversy over the hydraulic fracturing
drilling method has been growing in Pennsylvania. One state official
remarked that the company, which donated $650,000 over the past three
years, had gone “above and beyond” its duty. In reality, as much as 90
percent of XTO’s donation was underwritten by taxpayers. </p>
<p>
Also in attendance in Punxsutawney was Peter Gleason, chairman of the
Bridge Educational Foundation, the middleman organization that arranged
XTO’s donations. Mr. Gleason congratulated the voters of Punxsutawney
for having the wisdom to send Mr. Smith to Harrisburg. In addition to
serving as chairman of Bridge, Mr. Gleason is a lobbyist in Harrisburg.
Two other lobbyists, who have represented XTO, serve on Bridge’s
advisory board, as does the chief of staff to Mr. Smith. XTO was
acquired in 2010 by Exxon Mobil. </p>
<p>
While a spokesman for XTO said the company donated to provide additional
educational opportunities to Pennsylvania schoolchildren, such
arrangements appear to benefit all involved — donors with business
before the legislature, lawmakers and lobbyists. </p>
<p>
The Rev. Theodore Clater, a Pennsylvania advocate for school choice,
said that Bridge and a similar Pennsylvania organization, Bravo
Foundation, frequently asked lawmakers for advice when deciding where
the money should go. Mr. Clater said he was not aware of any illegality,
but nevertheless questioned that practice. </p>
<p>
“You could get into all kinds of political games, favoritism,” he said,
emphasizing that his own scholarship organization tried to distribute
its money without influence. </p>
<p>
Mr. Smith said he saw no evidence that the program was politicized.
Instead, he said, companies “have a certain amount of money they’re
going to put in charitable contributions anyway, and they now see ‘I can
get a tax credit and give back to education.’ ” </p>
<p>
Bridge’s director, Natalie Nutt, whose husband ran the campaign of Gov.
Tom Corbett, a Republican, said all of the group’s board members were
selected for their devotion to school choice. </p>
<p>
Between them, Bridge and Bravo control about $3 million in scholarship
funds a year, putting them in the top 10 of more than 200 scholarship
organizations in the state. </p>
<p>
Among Bridge’s founders in 2005 was John O’Connell, a lobbyist who had been a partner at Bravo. </p>
<p>
In 2006, Mr. O’Connell pleaded guilty to federal charges of embezzling
more than $200,000 from another nonprofit organization, Pennsylvania Law
Watch, whose mission was to promote tort reform. Mr. O’Connell argued
for a reduced sentence, citing his charitable work through Bridge and
Bravo. </p>
<p>
The federal government disagreed. “As a lobbyist, O’Connell’s
involvement in the Bravo Education Foundation and later in the Bridge
Foundation was very beneficial to him in a business sense in that it
afforded him excellent opportunities to cultivate new corporate clients
and relationships with legislative leaders,” prosecutors wrote. </p>
<p>
Even some lawmakers have started their own scholarship organizations.
Mr. Ehrhart, the legislative sponsor of the Georgia scholarship program,
is also the unpaid chief executive of a scholarship organization, the
Georgia Christian Schools Scholarship Fund. </p>
<p>
In Arizona, one of the largest of more than 50 scholarship
organizations, the Arizona Christian School Tuition Organization, is
controlled by State Senator Steve Yarbrough, a Republican and chairman
of the Senate Finance Committee. In an interview, Mr. Yarbrough pointed
out that he was running the organization before he was elected to the
Legislature. The organization paid Mr. Yarbrough $48,000 in 2010 and
disbursed $313,000 to a company he partly owns to process scholarship
applications. </p>
<p>
<strong>Uneven Playing Fields</strong> </p>
<p>
In Georgia, where the world revolves around high school football, the
scholarships have driven a wedge between public and private schools.
</p>
<p>
Over the past few years, coaches at public high schools have complained
about the defections of a number of players from large public schools
who have left for small private academies. At Savannah Christian
Preparatory School alone, four starting players migrated from nearby
public schools and helped the team become last fall’s Class A champions.
</p>
<p>
Coaches at the public schools have suspected that scholarships were
given to their players by Savannah Christian and other private schools
to build athletic programs. Athletic scholarships are banned in the
state’s high schools. </p>
<p>
The coaches have not been able to prove their suspicions, but the
growing dominance of private schools in Class A prompted the public
schools last year to threaten to withdraw from the Georgia High School
Association. </p>
<p>
“This money just makes the playing field completely unlevel,” said Larry
Campbell, a coach in Lincoln County, Ga., who is known for his winning
record. “The private schools are thriving, and they’ve got the money to
go out and recruit the great athlete.” </p>
<p>
One star athlete, Keyante Green, went to Eagle’s Landing Christian
Academy in McDonough, Ga., in the ninth grade after his stunning
performance in an annual championship game sponsored by an Atlanta radio
personality. Keyante, then 14 and an eighth grader at a public school,
was named most valuable player. His youth coach at the time, Dan Curl,
predicted that Keyante would one day be heading to the N.F.L. </p>
<p>
Within months, Mr. Curl had enrolled his son in high school at Eagle’s
Landing, he said, and had agreed to become a part-time middle school
coach. He said he also told the school about Keyante. </p>
<p>
“I told them I had a kid who is a good athlete, a stud athlete,” Mr.
Curl recalled recently. “They had already seen the highlight video. They
said, ‘Man, bring him over.’ ” </p>
<p>
Mr. Curl said Keyante’s family could not afford the approximately
$10,000-a-year tuition at Eagle’s Landing. He said he had helped fill
out an application to the GOAL scholarship program for Keyante that
first year and in the two subsequent years. The scholarship paid only
part of his expenses, so Eagle’s Landing’s coaches sought donations to
pay Keyante’s remaining expenses, said Mr. Curl, who is no longer
employed at the school. As a <a href="http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=geF1psEYM9w">freshman</a>
in 2009, Keyante stole the show at a state playoff game with four
touchdowns and 292 yards. The head coach at another school compared him
to the Georgia legend Herschel Walker. </p>
<p>
Neither Keyante, who will graduate in 2013, nor his family responded to
requests for comment. Questioned about the scholarships, the Eagle’s
Landing assistant head of school, Chuck Gilliam, said in an e-mail that
two of the school’s 29 scholarship recipients played football. But he
said the scholarships had “not been used to enhance the football
program.” </p>
<p>
GOAL’s director, Lisa Kelly, said in an e-mail that the organization
adopted a written policy in 2009 prohibiting the use of scholarships to
“recruit and provide aid to students for athletic purposes.” </p>
<p>
At Savannah Christian, Coach Donald Chumley, whose Raiders includes four
recipients of GOAL scholarships, said: “I’m not going to say to you
that some didn’t say ‘I want to go to college, and I want to play
football.’ But we don’t select them on athletic ability. We select them
on need.” </p>
<p>
Under a compromise, the public schools did not withdraw from the high
school association. Instead, for the first time, the public and private
schools in Class A will hold separate playoffs next fall. </p>
<p>
<strong>A Boon for Creationists</strong> </p>
<p>
The scholarships have amounted to a lifeline for many religious schools.
One Catholic grade school in Berwick, Pa., regained its health through
$87,000 in scholarship donations, according to the Rev. Edward Quinlan,
the education secretary for the Diocese of Harrisburg, where nearly 20
percent of students receive scholarships. In Fort Lauderdale, Fla., 100
of the 160 students enrolled in Mount Bethel Christian Academy receive
tax-credit scholarships, according to the school’s headmaster. </p>
<p>
In the Arizona case that went before the Supreme Court, the National
School Boards Association joined local school officials and teachers in
arguing that the program was skewed toward religious schools, openly
selecting students for scholarships based on their religion. </p>
<p>
Many religiously affiliated schools across the country are known for
turning out well-educated students and teaching core subjects without a
sectarian bias. But some schools financed by the tax-credit programs
teach a fundamentalist dogma holding that the world was literally
created in six days. Some of the schools use <a href="http://topics.nytimes.com/topics/reference/timestopics/subjects/t/textbooks/index.html?inline=nyt-classifier" title="More articles about textbooks." class="meta-classifier">textbooks</a> produced by Bob Jones University Press and A Beka Book, a Christian publisher in Pensacola, Fla. </p>
<p>
The books became an issue in 2005 when the University of California
system said it would not honor some credits of students who attended
schools that use them. </p>
<p>
In an ensuing lawsuit filed against the university by Christian schools,
Donald Kennedy, a biologist who is a former president of Stanford, said
in court papers that the science texts made statements that were
“flatly wrong” and “plainly contrary to the scientific facts” when
hewing to creationist theory. The case was ultimately decided in favor
of the university. </p>
<p>
“It’s a Christian curriculum, and some parts of it are controversial,”
said Jon East, vice president for policy at Step Up For Students, the
organization that runs the Florida scholarship program. The books are
also used in some schools in Georgia and Pennsylvania. </p>
<p>
An A Beka high school science text concluded that “much variety within
the human race has developed from the eight people who left the Ark.”
Another text, used in sixth grade, makes repeated references to Noah and
the flood, which it calls the reason for both the world’s petroleum
reserves and the development of fossils. </p>
<p>
History and economics texts are also infused with fundamentalist theology and an unabashedly conservative viewpoint. <a href="http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/subjects/g/great_depression_1930s/index.html?inline=nyt-classifier" title="Recent and archival news about the Great Depression." class="meta-classifier">The Great Depression</a>, one says, was exaggerated to move the country toward socialism, and it described “The Grapes of Wrath” as propaganda. </p>
<p>
Frances Paterson, a professor at Valdosta State University in Georgia
who has studied the books, said they “frequently resemble partisan,
political literature more than they do the traditional textbooks used in
public schools.” </p>
<p>
Mr. Arnold, the headmaster of the Covenant Christian Academy in Cumming,
Ga., confirmed that his school used those texts but said they were part
of a larger curriculum. </p>
<p>
“You have to keep in mind that the curriculum goes beyond the textbook,”
Mr. Arnold said. “Not only do we teach the students that creation is
the way the world was created and that God is in control and he made all
things, we also teach them what the false theories of the world are,
such as the Big Bang theory and Darwinism. We teach those as fallacies.”
</p>
<div class="articleCorrection">
</div>
</div>
<br>-- <br>Art Deco (Wayne A. Fox)<br><a href="mailto:art.deco.studios@gmail.com" target="_blank">art.deco.studios@gmail.com</a><br>