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<div class="timestamp">April 2, 2012</div>
<h1>A Judge Turns on the Light</h1>
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A federal judge took an important step toward ending secret donations to
big-spending political groups, striking down regulations that permitted
some groups to hide their donors. Unfortunately, the ruling probably
came too late to flush this corrupting practice from this year’s
elections — though there is still time for Congress to do so. </p>
<p>
The secret-donor problem began in 2007 when the Supreme Court, <a title="Text of the decision" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supct/html/06-969.ZS.html">in the Wisconsin Right to Life case</a>,
ended restrictions on corporate and union political spending by
advocacy groups in the weeks prior to an election. A few weeks later,
the Federal Election Commission, naïvely suggesting that some corporate
donors to those groups might not have intended to give for political
purposes, said that only those donations explicitly earmarked for
political purposes had to be disclosed. The loophole was obvious: Just
don’t declare any donation to be political, and they can all be secret.
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<p>
The rule does not apply to modern “super PACs,” which exist for
political purposes and must disclose their donors. But it allowed groups
that accept money for other purposes, like the United States Chamber of
Commerce, to collect millions of undisclosed dollars to buy ads that
criticize candidates who differ with their pro-business agenda. </p>
<p>
During the 2010 Congressional elections, political operatives like Karl
Rove helped set up a variety of purported charities or educational
groups to provide a shield to anonymous political donors. Along with the
chamber, <a href="http://www.opensecrets.org/outsidespending/summ.php?cycle=2010&disp=O&type=U">these groups took in more than $138 million</a>
in undisclosed money that year, 80 percent of which was spent
supporting Republican candidates. Many of the same secretive groups have
already begun running ads in this year’s campaign, and the flood will
shortly begin in earnest. </p>
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A year ago, Representative Chris Van Hollen, a Democrat from Maryland, <a title="PDF of the lawsuit" href="http://www.campaignlegalcenter.org/attachments/Van_HollenvFEC_Plntff_Complaint_Dist_Ct._4.21.11.pdf">filed suit</a>
against the F.E.C., saying its 2007 regulation violated the intention
of Congress when it passed the McCain-Feingold campaign finance reform
act in 2002. That law makes it clear that donations greater than $1,000
to advocacy groups have to be disclosed. </p>
<p>
On Friday, District Judge Amy Berman Jackson in Washington agreed. She<a title="PDF of the ruling" href="https://ecf.dcd.uscourts.gov/cgi-bin/show_public_doc?2011cv0766-48"> ruled that</a>
the F.E.C. overstepped its boundaries in requiring disclosure only of
explicit political donations. “Congress spoke plainly” in requiring full
disclosure, she wrote, and even the Citizens United decision called for
disclosure of the unlimited corporate and union donations it permitted.
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<p>
Judge Jackson’s clearsighted opinion is a win for clean elections. But
it will probably be appealed, which could delay a final decision by
months or years. If it were a functioning body, the F.E.C. would change
its regulations to comply with the court ruling, but its three
Republican commissioners have repeatedly blocked attempts to require
disclosure. </p>
<p>
Congress could quickly resolve the issue if it were truly interested in
cleaning up campaign finance. Mr. Van Hollen has introduced a new
version of<a title="PDf of the proposed bill" href="http://vanhollen.house.gov/UploadedFiles/DISCLOSE_Summary_042910.pdf"> the Disclose Act</a>
that would go even further than the court decision in making donations
transparent, requiring the names of top donors to appear in ads, and
imposing stronger reporting requirements for super PACs. Republicans
filibustered a similar bill last year in the Senate, and no Republicans
have stepped up to support this version. In the meantime, the grim tide
of secret money keeps rising. </p>
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