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January 22, 2005, <i>The New York Times<br>
</i>OP-ED CONTRIBUTOR<br>
The Speech Misheard Round the World<br>
By ORLANDO PATTERSON, Harvard University<br><br>
Cambridge, Mass. — SINCE 9/11, President Bush and his advisers have
engaged in a series of arguments concerning the relation between freedom,
tyranny and terrorism. The president's inaugural paean to freedom was the
culmination of these arguments.<br><br>
The stratagem began immediately after 9/11 with the president's claims
that the terrorist attacks were a deliberate assault on America's
freedom. The next stage of the argument came after no weapons of mass
destruction were found in Iraq, thus eliminating the reason for the war,
and it took the form of a bogus syllogism: all terrorists are tyrants who
hate freedom. Saddam Hussein is a tyrant who hates freedom. Therefore
Saddam Hussein is a terrorist whose downfall was a victory in the war
against terrorism.<br><br>
When this bogus syllogism began to lose public appeal, it was shored up
with another flawed argument that was repeated during the campaign:
tyranny breeds terrorism. Freedom is opposed to tyranny. Therefore the
promotion of freedom is the best means of fighting terrorism.<br><br>
Promoting freedom, of course, is a noble and highly desirable pursuit. If
America were to make the global diffusion of freedom a central pillar of
its foreign policy, it would be cause for joy. The way the present
administration has gone about this task, however, is likely to have the
opposite effect. Moreover, what the president means by freedom may get
lost in translation to the rest of the world.<br><br>
The administration's notion of freedom has been especially convenient,
and its promotion of it especially cynical. In the first place, there is
no evidence to support, and no good reason to believe, that Al Qaeda's
attack on America was primarily motivated by a hatred of freedom. Osama
bin Laden is clearly no lover of freedom, but this is an irrelevance. The
attack on America was motivated by religious and cultural
fanaticism.<br><br>
Second, while it may be implicitly true that all terrorists are tyrants,
it does not follow that all tyrants are terrorists. The United States, of
all nations, should know this. Over the past century it has supported a
succession of tyrannical states with murderous records of oppression
against their own people, none of which were terrorist states - Argentina
and Brazil under military rule, Augusto Pinochet's Chile, South Africa
under apartheid, to list but a few. Today, one of America's closest
allies in the fight against tyranny is tyrannical Pakistan, and one of
its biggest trading partners is the authoritarian Communist regime of
China.<br><br>
Third, while the goal of promoting democracy is laudable, there is no
evidence that free states are less likely to breed terrorists. Sadly, the
very freedoms guaranteed under the rule of law are likely to shelter
terrorists, especially within states making the transition from
authoritarian to democratic rule. Transitional democratic states, like
Russia today, are more violent than the authoritarian ones they
replaced.<br><br>
And even advanced democratic regimes have been known to breed terrorists,
the best example being the United States itself. For more than half a
century a terrorist organization, the Ku Klux Klan, flourished in this
country. According to the F.B.I., three of every four terrorist acts in
the United States from 1980 to 2000 were committed by
Americans.<br><br>
The president speaks eloquently and no doubt sincerely of freedom both
abroad and at home. But it is plain for the world to see that there is a
discrepancy between his words and his actions.<br><br>
He claims that freedom must be chosen and defended by citizens, yet his
administration is in the process of imposing democracy at the point of a
gun in Iraq. At home, he seeks to "make our society more prosperous
and just and equal," yet during his first term there has been a
great redistribution of income from working people to the wealthy as well
as declining real income and job security for many Americans.
Furthermore, he has presided over the erosion of civil liberties stemming
from the Patriot Act.<br><br>
Is this pure hypocrisy - or is there another explanation for the
discrepancy, and for Mr. Bush's perplexing sincerity? There is no
gainsaying an element of hypocrisy here. But it is perhaps no greater
than usual in speeches of this nature. The problem is that what the
president means by freedom, and what the world hears when he says it, are
not the same.<br><br>
In the 20th century two versions of freedom emerged in America. The
modern liberal version emphasizes civil liberties, political
participation and social justice. It is the version formally extolled by
the federal government, debated by philosophers and taught in schools; it
still informs the American judicial system. And it is the version most
treasured by foreigners who struggle for freedom in their own
countries.<br><br>
But most ordinary Americans view freedom in quite different terms. In
their minds, freedom has been radically privatized. Its most striking
feature is what is left out: politics, civic participation and the
celebration of traditional rights, for instance. Freedom is largely a
personal matter having to do with relations with others and success in
the world.<br><br>
Freedom, in this conception, means doing what one wants and getting one's
way. It is measured in terms of one's independence and autonomy, on the
one hand, and one's influence and power, on the other. It is experienced
most powerfully in mobility - both socioeconomic and
geographic.<br><br>
In many ways this is the triumph of the classic 19th-century version of
freedom, the version that philosophers and historians preached but
society never quite achieved. This 19th-century freedom must now coexist
with the more modern version of freedom. It does so by acknowledging the
latter but not necessarily including it.<br><br>
It is not that Americans have rejected the formal model of freedom - ask
any American if he believes in democracy and a free press and he will
genuinely endorse both. Rather it is that such abstract notions of
freedom are far removed from their notion of what freedom means and how
it is experienced.<br><br>
The genius of President Bush is that he has acquired an exquisite grasp
of this development in American political culture, and he can play both
versions of freedom to his advantage. Because he so easily empathizes
with the ordinary American's privatized view of freedom, the president
was relatively immune from criticism that he disregarded more traditional
measures of freedom like civil liberties. In the privatized conception of
freedom that he and his followers share, the abuses of the Patriot Act
play little or no part. (There are times, of course, when the president
must voice support for the modern liberal version of freedom. The
inaugural is such a day, "prescribed by law and marked by
ceremony," as he ruefully noted.)<br><br>
Yet while these inconsistencies may not bother the president's followers
or harm his standing in America, they matter to the rest of the world.
Few foreigners are even aware of America's hybrid conception of freedom,
much less accepting of it. In most of the rest of the world, the
president's inaugural address was heard merely as hypocrisy.<br><br>
Orlando Patterson, a professor of sociology at Harvard, is the author of
"Freedom in the Making of Western Culture" and a forthcoming
book on the meaning of freedom in the United States.<br><br>
<x-sigsep><p></x-sigsep>
<font size=2>"Modern physics has taught us that the nature of any
system cannot be discovered by dividing it into its component parts and
studying each part by itself. . . .We must keep our attention fixed on
the whole and on the interconnection between the parts. The same is true
of our intellectual life. It is impossible to make a clear cut between
science, religion, and art. The whole is never equal simply to the sum of
its various parts." --Max Planck<br><br>
</font>Nicholas F. Gier<br>
Professor Emeritus, Department of Philosophy, University of Idaho<br>
1037 Colt Rd., Moscow, ID 83843<br>
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208-882-9212/FAX 885-8950<br>
President, Idaho Federation of Teachers, AFL-CIO<br>
<a href="http://users.adelphia.net/~nickgier/ift.htm" eudora="autourl">http://users.adelphia.net/~nickgier/ift.htm</a><br><br>
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